International Encounters in Colonial North America

Essay by 2016 Arcadia Fellow Theresa McCulla

 

Conflicting motivations drove the development of European colonies in North America. Over more than three centuries, Britain, France, Spain, and other European powers waged wars against each other as they simultaneously invaded a continent already peopled with diverse indigenous groups. Their campaigns for new territory and subjects, larger economic markets, and religious freedom extended European empires across the Atlantic.

 

International encounters in colonial North America took place on multiple terrains: governmental, legal, economic, military, and religious. Often, these arenas overlapped. For example, the expansion of British trade routes on the coast of colonial Canada enhanced the empire’s naval strength.[i] As royal courts in colonial Mexico imported Spanish Catholicism, they simultaneously defined a new legal system for Mexican residents.[ii] Accordingly, scholars will find much benefit in reading across multiple kinds of collections as they seek to answer their research questions.

 

As continental bureaucrats, colonial officials, judges, planters, and naval captains set out to build a new, European-American world in North America, they recorded their work with massive amounts of documentation. Summaries of trade agreements, official communications, and accounts of military campaigns served the purposes of large colonial apparatuses. Thus, scholars must often read between the lines of these sources to hear the active voices of Native Americans, enslaved people, and women, who often appear as the enemy, subordinate property, or unimportant to the work of colonizing European men. Scholarly creativity is required to reconstruct the extraordinary diversity and violent uncertainty of life in colonial North America.

 

Terrains of Encounter: Government and Law

Harvard’s collections can be of great assistance to scholars seeking to understand the earliest forms of colonial legal and political institutions in North America. A sampling of manuscripts spanning the 18th century includes: the 1701 charter of King Charles II to William Penn to create the American province of Pennsylvania (“to enlarge our English Empire and promote…usefull Commodities…[and] to reduce the Savage Natives…to the love of civil Society and Christian Religion”); cases argued in the Jamaican court of appeals from 1738 to 1758; King George II’s 1745 commission of a justice for the Superior Court of the Province of Massachusetts Bay; legislation related to the regulation of auctions in Barbados in 1763, which included the sale of enslaved people; the 1764–1771 letter book of the colonial governor of North Carolina, describing his communication with Cherokees and assorted political matters; and a 1787 compilation of all legal statutes issued by the highest Spanish court in colonial Mexico from the 16th through 18th centuries.[iii] Such digitized collections can help scholars perceive the extent to which British, Spanish, and French colonization projects unfolded simultaneously, and on myriad scales, in multiple locations.

 

Many manuscripts pertaining to government and law point to social and cultural conditions that were unique to colonized North America. For example, an expansive collection of Mexican legal records from the 16th to 19th centuries includes court cases from 1619 and 1624 related to disputes over “limpieza de sangre.”[iv] Anxieties over confirming so-called “purity of blood” became a singular concern of creolizing, colonial societies in North America, and represented the precursors to battles over the definition of race.

 

Harvard libraries also maintain deep holdings related to the European settlement of Canada, which served for centuries as an embattled crossroads for competing, international groups. Early records include a 1663 memoir of military and social conditions in the French colony; accounts of relations between the French, Iroquois, Algonquins, and English written by a French official in the 1690s; and a 1708 summary of the administration of Canada compiled by the French Naval Ministry.[v] Great Britain’s economic, cultural, and social interests in Canada surface in manuscripts of a later generation. For example, in 1720, a group of British men petitioned the king for a grant to emigrate to the territory between Nova Scotia and Maine, to “Settl[e] His Majesties Wast Land…for Raising Hemp & Flax and other Navall Stores there in Order to Supply His Majesties Navy and Kingdoms.” Riches would come from the land and sea, they speculated, in the form of “gold and silver oar,” whales, and pearls. The men’s goals were religious, too: Canada should be settled by Christians, they specified. Although the men feared “the Danger of the Insults of the French and Frenchifide Indians,” they envisioned fortified homes for the settlers, so “that they may not be suddenly surprized by the Indians.”[vi] Hopeful colonists used this manuscript to imagine the details of a New World life, from industry to housing to a judicial system. Similarly, a 1730 British document instructed colonial authorities to settle Protestant Irish and German families on Canadian land previously restricted to timber cultivation for ship masts. What were the basic ingredients of an entirely new British settlement — still unnamed — in colonial North America? This official ordered that land be set aside for a minister, a schoolmaster, “and their successors in Perpetuity,” and that colonists be clustered in “Townships or Districts, that they may the better be able to Defend and Assist each other…against Savage Indians.”[vii]

 

Together, this subset of collections clarifies the extent to which Europeans grappled with colonial North America as territory that was literally and figuratively uncharted. In a 1707 memoir documenting a trip through colonial Mexico, a French naval captain noted, “There are differing opinions as to whether California is an island or joined to terra firma.”[viii] To European colonizers, North America was a continent whose reaches remained unknown and where the most basic components of civil society — as they understood it — were absent. Accordingly, many collections feature maps that illustrate Europeans’ attempts to chart North America, so that they could master it. A 1659 London-made map of the coasts of North, Central, and South America demonstrated a thorough familiarity with shorelines and Caribbean islands, yet much of the continents’ interiors remained blank, unexplored space.[ix] A century later, much had changed. An important 1769 British map, created to help decide the boundary between New York and New Jersey, included great topographical and human detail.[x] Additionally, a 1770 British chart of east Florida noted the locations of various “Indian trading house[s]” as well as a “great swamp whose inside [is] as yet unknown.” Its depiction halted abruptly, however, at the “Boundary between the province and the Creek Indians”: evidence that even if American colonists were less than a decade from rebelling against British rule, other nations continued to exist in their midst.[xi]

 

Terrains of Encounter: Economics   

Even as European empires expanded their political reach in North America, the substance of their fascination with this unfamiliar continent was primarily economic. Its vast forests, waterways, fauna, geographic position, and potentially taxable populations promised huge wealth.[xii] Scholars can use relevant manuscripts to understand how colonial powers attempted to regulate trade in far-flung territories.[xiii] For example, a handwritten volume dating to the turn of the 18th century assembled hundreds of measures enacted by the British government to oversee the economies of Antigua, Barbados, Bermuda, the Carolinas, Jamaica, New York, Virginia, and many other colonies that touched the Atlantic. These laws included “An Act to oblige those Traders that come from Virginia to [South Carolina] to Trade with ye Indians or white persons…to come first to Charles Town and take out Licences to Trade.” Officials were concerned that the unregulated presence of Virginia traders might cause white South Carolinians to “loose ye Trade and Commerce as well as the friendship and assistance of our Indians,” who supplied them with “Skins & furrs and Slaves.”[xiv] By calling them “our Indians” the writer expressed a sense of dominance, if not ownership, of his neighbors, yet such records indicated the influential position that Native groups achieved through economic interactions.

 

The interlocking economies of colonial North America, Europe, and Africa spurred the proliferation of merchants, slave traders, and naval captains who moved goods and people throughout the Atlantic world. Their account books and logs can help researchers reconstruct early capitalist networks of producers, consumers, and commodities. From 1739 to 1766, New York City merchant Brandt Schuyler recorded shipments of butter, bread, and flour to the Gouverneur family of Curaçao; sales of brandy, arak, loaf sugar, and looking glasses to Solomon Hays of New York City; and a variety of other transactions to buyers in New England and Europe.[xv] The papers of Bennette Claude Merlino de Saint Pry, a French merchant who worked in Boston in the 1770s and early 1780s, show a similarly wide geographic professional network. His records include dozens of digitized invoices; paperwork related to his ships’ movements in the Caribbean; and even a letter recommending Saint Pry for language lessons, in which the writer explained, “[H]e has a vehement desire to Learn the English Language.”[xvi] The letter book of Boston merchant Edward Blanchard, with copies of correspondence between Boston, Canada, the Caribbean, Spain, and Britain from 1786 to 1794, can further enrich such research.[xvii] Ships’ bills of lading and bills of disbursement lend a different kind of specificity to the thoroughly international nature of the colonial economy.[xviii] These documents show how transporting coffee, sugar, rum, and enslaved people throughout the Caribbean required the services of interpreters, port officials, soldiers, and even local “Negro hire[s].”[xix]

 

North American colonies exported many goods, but they also imported a host of European and even Asian products. Colonists relied on imports to satisfy certain material needs and confirm their own social status, far from the metropole. During a 1707–1708 journey through colonial Mexico, a French official described the territory’s silver mines and the production of indigo and cochineal. Yet he also noted the wide variety of European products consumed there by the colony’s Spaniards and creolized society: red wine, eaux de vie, olive oil, almonds, vinegar, salt-cured salmon, and Holland cheese. Figs could not survive the voyage across the Atlantic, colonists had discovered, but raisins and prunes were hardy enough to make the trip.[xx] Colonists also relied on European iron, steel, and wax, surely for various military, political, and even ecclesiastical uses. But other common imports like ribbons, taffeta, gilded fabric, and lace served different purposes.[xxi] Colonists likely dressed in these materials to project a sophisticated, European social identity, distinct from the indigenous people they sought to subjugate. With these kinds of collections, scholars can explore how Europeans in colonial North America used economic exchange to confirm imperial power in a variety of settings.

 

Terrains of Encounter: Military

Most international encounters in colonial North America did not revolve around taffeta and lace, of course. Europeans claimed new territory in North America via unrelenting violence. Protracted warfare spread disease and killed scores. European forces swept indigenous groups into conflicts waged on their terrain.

 

Harvard’s collections can help scholars understand how Europeans treated Native groups as allies when such a relationship was useful to them, but as uncivilized enemies otherwise. In a 1754 manuscript, Frenchman Louis Coulon de Villiers described his arrival at Fort du Quesne (present-day Pittsburgh), following the murder of his brother by British forces. De Villiers transcribed his appeal to several Native groups, whom he asked to join French forces to avenge his brother’s death. “My children,” de Villiers said, “I invite you all…to listen to my words, which are those of your Father Onontio.” De Villiers tone seemed affectionate as he invoked the parental title for the administrator of New France used by Great Lakes Native groups. Yet in his written account de Villiers described his listeners as “savages.”[xxii] He offered a tomahawk, necklaces, and two barrels of wine as gestures of good will, yet threatened those disinclined to assist him. Father Onontio “ordered…that if anyone insults me I should crush him,” de Villiers claimed.[xxiii] The writer’s memoir allows the researcher to perceive the exploitative perspective employed by this colonial figure, who attempted to manipulate Native groups for his gain. 

 

Many archival collections related to military encounters in colonial North America fall into two important categories. The first comprises the history of armed conflict over colonial Canada. Early records include documents chronicling the French staffing of a military outpost in western Quebec in 1605.[xxiv] More than a century later, a British soldier logged details of the daily weather and its impact on his ship’s movements during his unit’s 1711 expedition against Canada.[xxv] Relatedly, in 1714 a colonial American official recounted negotiations for the release of prisoners taken during Queen Anne’s War, the conflict described in the 1711 diary. This 1714 text showed the complete reliance of British and American officials on Native American guides, who provided canoes, provisions, and direction as they traveled to Canada.[xxvi] Collections dating to subsequent decades can help scholars understand the British takeover of Canada. These include the 1758–1760 diary of soldier Henry Stirke, who wrote in great detail — and excellent penmanship — of the daily experiences of military service and the logistics of transporting troops and provisions. Stirke sketched hand-colored diagrams of the order of encampment of British forces.[xxvii] Researchers could pair Stirke’s diary with the papers of Major General James Wolfe, the official under which Stirke served, to understand the differing experiences of troops and their commander.[xxviii] The British conquest of Canada had far-reaching effects on both sides of the Atlantic. Scholars may access the digitized articles of capitulation of the French dating to 1760; a 1761 order on behalf of the Governor of the Province of Massachusetts Bay to award damages to a soldier “in consideration of his sufferings” incurred during the 1760 Canada Expedition; and a 1790 French statement of support for the refugees evicted from Acadia by the British in 1760, some of whom had fled to France.[xxix]

 

The second major subset of military materials documents the history of the American Revolutionary War. These manuscripts, too, show the thoroughly international nature of this conflict, which had profound political, economic, and cultural repercussions in Europe as well as North America. In July 1775, British general Thomas Gage described a warrant he had issued to procure wheat and flour from the ship Champion in order to feed his forces, because “Armed Rebels and Traitors” had cut off provisions for British ships in Boston.[xxx] At this early stage in the conflict, British forces already perceived American colonists as separate from their own kind, and the enemy. Throughout the war, American officials relied on the military assistance and intelligence of a diverse assortment of allies. In 1777, the Continental Congress issued a resolution encouraging German mercenaries to desert the British army, promising them land in America if they did.[xxxi] In 1778, an unnamed “Englishman” sent a clandestine letter to Benjamin Franklin, then living outside Paris, proposing a reconciliation between the American colonies and Great Britain, “to put a stop to the desolation of America, and to prevent the baneful effects of that storm, which threatens to deluge the whole world with blood.”[xxxii] And in 1779, a French military officer who had fought for the Continental Army wrote to George Washington to express his dedication to the colonies’ cause, writing, “I shall be always ready to Lose my Life for my good friend the American….I am American soldier, and it is for all my lyfe.”[xxxiii]

 

European leaders understood that American independence would create a new world for them, too. News of the revolution rippled through official channels of communication throughout Europe. In 1780, a French count wrote to the Marquis de Lafayette at Versailles to report on the recent discovery of Benedict Arnold’s treason.[xxxiv] In 1783, a Spanish diplomat wrote to the Spanish king to confirm, to his “sorrow and suspicion,” that the American colonies had achieved independence. The writer complained that France, having “nothing to lose” in America, had thought nothing of Spain, its “intimate and powerful ally in the New World,” in choosing to support the rebellion. “What could France have wanted more,” he speculated, “than to watch the mutual destruction of England and the colonies,” so that its own power could increase?[xxxv] Such manuscripts help illustrate the extent to which American independence recast alliances throughout the Atlantic World.

 

Terrains of Encounter: Religion 

Digitized records that chronicle interactions in the realm of religion offer another rich group of sources for scholars. Many European settlers journeyed to North America for reasons related to their faith, whether they sought to claim new territory for a Catholic or Protestant monarch, convert Native Americans to Christianity, or worship as they chose.

 

A number of collections shed light on strategies to bridge linguistic, as well as religious, divides. For example, a catechism rendered in Testerian hieroglyphs shows how Catholic missionaries in 17th century Mexico attempted to communicate with indigenous people unfamiliar with Christianity. Catholic prayers such as the Our Father and the Creed, as well as the Church’s sacraments and important Biblical events, were represented in hand-drawn scenes of saints, angels, and demons.[xxxvi] These hieroglyphs served a purpose similar to the stained glass windows of European churches used to educate illiterate worshippers.

 

In the 18th century, thousands of miles to the north, Moravian missionaries authored a remarkable collection of language guides and religious texts to assist in their proselytization of Native Americans. These included dictionaries, grammar primers, and collections of hymns, sermons, Biblical narratives, and proverbs (“Speak always the truth and never tell a Lie; you may deceive men but not God”) in German, Delaware, Onondaga, Mohican, Arawak, English, and Cherokee.[xxxvii] These digitized volumes offer extraordinary insight into several Native languages at distinct moments in time. Scholars could also analyze these sources for broader social and cultural messages expressed in missionaries’ sermons. Native American voices can be heard more clearly in the journals of Samuel Kirkland, a missionary funded by Harvard College who lived with the Oneidas in New York for several decades of the 18th century. On November 21, 1789, Kirkland wrote of the difficulties that his presence had created for “Captain Peter,” a young Oneida. “[Peter] tells me that when he has endeavoured to inculcate some of the customs of the white people & some of the doctrines of Christianity…[His friends] have frequently retorted…‘Are you becoming a white man?’”[xxxviii] Companion records related to Harvard College’s 18th-century missionary efforts among Native Americans help place Kirkland’s journals, and similar encounters, in broader context.[xxxix]  

 

In addition to Catholic and Protestant missionaries, European religious minorities also found promise in the prospect of settling in North America. Quakers experienced an uneven welcome there, where they found safety in some provinces and persecution in others. In 1705, Queen Anne received a petition asking for the repeal of restrictions against Quakers in colonial Connecticut, whose laws had labeled them “Hereticks.”[xl] Similarly, Judah Monis, a Jew born in the Mediterranean in 1683, also found intellectual opportunity after emigrating to the American colonies. Although Monis converted to Christianity, he worked as a longtime instructor of Hebrew at Harvard College, where he published America’s first Hebrew textbook in 1735. Monis also compiled a Hebrew/English vocabulary guide for students, featuring translations for secular words such as bee, cloud, cucumber, cinnamon, and dwarf; sets of transcribed rabbinical texts for classroom use; and a Hebrew rendering of the Ten Commandments.[xli] Manuscripts related to Monis’s teaching career would be useful to historians of education, religion, and Judaism in colonial America.

 

Conclusion

International encounters in colonial North America involved networks of people, goods, and political systems that circulated throughout the broader Atlantic world. The groups involved in these experiences met on unequal terrain. European colonial powers drew from immense wealth and military resources as they expanded their empires to Africa and the Americas. Native Americans, in contrast, experienced this era as a prolonged invasion of their homeland, which they resisted. Africans from many ethnic and linguistic groups were sold into slavery throughout North and South America and the Caribbean. These international encounters led to a variety of ends: political rupture, environmental change, diaspora, and the spread of disease. So too did they generate new alliances, enrich the powerful, and create new nations in Haiti and the United States of America.

 


[i] Legislative history regarding treaties of commerce with France, Spain relating to New Foundland, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, ca. 1715? Small Manuscript Collection, Harvard Law School Library.

[ii] Catedral de Morelia. Libro quinto de la Arca de este Juzgado de Testamentos de Valladolid..., 1778-1784. HLS MS 1485, Harvard Law School Library.

[iii] The royal charter of King Charles the Second to William Penn, esquire, proprietor of the province of Pennsylvania, 1701. HLS MS 1140, Harvard Law School Library; Jamaica. Court of Appeal. Record of cases, 1738-1758. HLS MS 1085, Harvard Law School Library; Great Britain. Sovereign (1727-1760: George II). Commission of Richard Saltonstall as Justice of the Superior Court of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 1745 January 24. HUM 36, Harvard University Archives; Barbados. Laws, etc. An Act of Assembly of Barbadoes to regulate sales at outcry and the proceedings of persons executing the office of Provost Marshall General of the said island and their under officers, 1763. HLS MS 1046, Harvard Law School Library; Tryon, William, 1729-1788. Letter book: manuscript, 1764-1771. MS Eng 199. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass; Recopilacion sumaria de todos los autos acordados de la Real Audiencia y Sala del Crimen de esta Nueva España, y providencias de su superior gobierno; de varias reales cédulas y ordenes que despues de publicada la Recopilacion de Indias han podido recogerse asi de las dirigidas á la misma Audienca ó gobierno, como de algunas otras que por sus notables decisiones convendrá no ignorar: / por el doctor don Eusebio Bentura Belña... 1787. HLS MS 1149, Harvard Law School Library.

[iv] Mexican Legal Documents, 1577-1805. Inquest into the filiation and "limpieza de sangre" of Doctor Don Antonio de Cervantes, 1619. 1-2; Inquest of the genealogy and "limpieza de sangre" of Doña Francisca Veles de Temiño, wife of Geronimo Lopez Paramo, 15 February 1624. 1-3, Harvard Law School Library.

[v]Avaugour, Pierre du Bois, baron d’, -1664. Memoire sur la colonie de Quebec, Plaisance, Gaspé et Capbreton: manuscript, 1663. MS Can 25 (1). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.; Researchers who search for “Charles de Monseignat” in the Colonial North American Project holdings will find a series of his accounts dating to 1691, 1693, 1694, 1695, 1696, 1697, and 1698. Some are still in the process of digitization. Monseignat, Charles de. Relation de ce qui s’est passé en Canada depuis le départ des vaissaux de l’année 1694 jusq’au départ des vaisseaux 1695: manuscript, [not before 1695]. MS Can 35.3. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.; France. Ministère de la marine. Extraits des Registres concernans les Affaires de Canada: manuscript, [not before 1708]. MS Can 36. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[vi] Barkstead, Francis. The petitioners for settling His Majesties lands and islands lying between Nova Scotia and the province of Maine in New England in America: manuscript, [ca. 1720]. MS Can 19. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[vii] Great Britain. Sovereign (1727-1760: George II). Copy of Gov[erno]r Philips’s additional instructions about settling some Palatine families in Nova Scotia; Copy Col. Dunbar’s additional instruction about settling some Irish families in Nova Scotia: manuscript, [1730]. MS Eng 570. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[viii] Monségur, Jean de, approximately 1660-1719? Nouveaux memoires touchant le Mexique ou la Nouvelle Espagne, [17--]. MS Fr 53. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[ix] Comberford, Nicholas, active 1612-1670. [Portolan chart of eastern North and Central America and northern South America]: manuscript, 1659. MS Eng 1449. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[x] Ratzer, Bernard. A copy of the general map the most part compiled from the actual survey by order of the commissioners appointed to settle the partition line between the provinces of New York and New Jersey: manuscript map, 1769. MS Am 2980. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xi] History of the three provinces South Carolina, Georgia, and East Florida : manuscript, [after 1771], MS Am 824. Houghton Library, Harvard University.

[xii] Pennsylvania. An act for granting to His Majesty the sum of fifty-five thousand pounds, and for striking the same in bills of credit, in the manner herein after directed…, 1764. Small Manuscript Collection, Harvard Law School Library.

[xiii] Lettres patentes du roy portant reglement pour le commerce des colonies francoises données à Paris au mois d’avril 1717: [Paris?], ca. 1717-1781. Kress Collection of Business and Economics, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School.

[xiv] Documents: concerning North American Atlantic coastal areas: manuscript, [17--]. MS Am 752. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xv] Schuyler, Brandt. Ledger, 1739-1766 (inclusive). Mss:766 1739-1766 S497, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School.

[xvi] Receipts and invoices: manuscript, 1780 July. Merlino de Saint Pry, Bennette Claude. Bennette Claude Merlino de Saint Pry papers and Treat family papers, 1764-1843. MS Fr 501.1 (40). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.; Fortune (Schooner). Documents: manuscript, printed, 1771. Merlino de Saint Pry, Bennette Claude. Bennette Claude Merlino de Saint Pry papers and Treat family papers, 1764-1843. MS Fr 501.1 (93). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.; St. George de Viart. Autograph manuscript letter to Joseph Warren, undated. Merlino de Saint Pry, Bennette Claude. Bennette Claude Merlino de Saint Pry papers and Treat family papers, 1764-1843. MS Fr 505.1 (129). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xvii] Blanchard, Edward. Edward Blanchard letter book, 1786-1794. Mss:766 1786-1794 B639, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School.

[xviii] Bills of lading for the ship Lydia, 1766. Small Manuscript Collection, Harvard Law School Library; Holman, Gabriel. Bill of disbursments [for the] sch[oone]r Lydia: manuscript, 1790. MS Eng 659. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xix] Ibid.

[xx] Monségur, Jean de, approximately 1660-1719? Nouveaux memoires touchant le Mexique ou la Nouvelle Espagne, [17--]. MS Fr 53. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxi] Ibid.

[xxii] Coulon de Villiers, Louis, 1710-1757. Journal de la campagne de M[onsieu]r de Villiers depuis son arrivée au fort du Quesne jusqu’à son retour audit fort: manuscript, 1754. MS Can 9. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxiii] Ibid.

[xxiv] Caylus, Henry de Giou, sieur de. Roolle de la monstre et reveue faicte en armes en la basse court du chasteau de Calumet: manuscript, 1605 Oct. 20. MS Fr 48. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxv] A journall of our expedition agt. Canada... : manuscript, 1711 and 1722-1723. MS Am 1341. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxvi] Stoddard, John, 1681-1748. A journal of a negotiation between the Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor-general of Canada and John Stoddard and John Williams, messengers commissioned by Joseph Dudley, captain-general and governor of Her Majesty’s government of the Massachusetts, &c. in N[ew] England: manuscript, [not before 1714]. MS Am 1201. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxvii] Stirke, Henry. Diary of the campaign for Québec: manuscript, 1758-1760. MS Can 24. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxviii] Wolfe, James, 1727-1759. James Wolfe papers relating to the British conquest of Canada, 1759-1773. MS Can 63, v. 1. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (31) Gt. Brit. Army. An account of the guns, mortars, ammunition and arms, etc. found in the city of Quebec upon its surrender ... 18th September 1759. [Quebec] 19 Sep 1759.

[xxix] France. Armée. Articles de Capitulation: Entre Son Excellence le General Amherst Commandant en Chef les Troupes des forces ... et Son Excellence M. le M[arqu]is de Vaudreuil ... manuscript, 1760. MS Can 67. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.; Massachusetts. Governor (1760-1770: Bernard). Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, By His Excellency the Governor, you are by and with advice and consent of His Majesty’s Council, ordered and directed to pay unto ... [Boston, 1761]. *AB7 M382G2 761p. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.; Réclamations à l’Assemblée-Nationale en faveur des anciens habitans de l’Acadie transportés en France lors de la prise de Louisbourg et particulierement en faveur de ceux débarqués à Cherbourg le 14 janvier 1760: Distribué au profit des acadiens 1790: manuscript, 1790. MS Can 57. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxx] Gage, Thomas, 1721-1787. Certificate directed to the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, 7 July 1775. Small Manuscript Collection, Harvard Law School Library.

[xxxi] Sparks, Jared, 1789-1866, collector. Jared Sparks collection of documents concerning the American Revolution, 1740-1866. U.S. Continental congress, 1777. [Resolution designed to encourage desertion of German mercenaries; translated from German] MS. (unidentified hand); [n.p.] 1777. MS Sparks 49.2 (139). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxxii] Jared Sparks collection of documents concerning the American Revolution, 1740-1866. [Papers relating to a proposed reconciliation between England & the United States. June, 1778] MS. (copies in the hand of Jared Sparks); [n.p., n.d.]. MS Sparks 49.1 (12). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxxiii] Jared Sparks collection of documents concerning the American Revolution, 1740-1866. Mauduit Duplessis, Thomas Antoine, 1752-1791. A.L.s. to George Washington; Besancon, 4 Jun 1779. MS Sparks 49.3 (50). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxxiv] Jared Sparks collection of documents concerning the American Revolution, 1740-1866. Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de, 1719-1787. A.L.s. to [Marquis de Lafayette]; Versailles, 1 Dec 1780. MS Sparks 49.3 (101). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxxv] Jared Sparks collection of documents concerning the American Revolution, 1740-1866. Aranda, Pedro Pablo Abarca de Bolea, conde de, 1718-1798. [Count d'Aranda's letter, 1783] MS. (unidentified hand); [n.p., n.d.]. MS Sparks 49.1 (41). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxxvi] A Mexican catechism in Testerian hieroglyphs]. MEX.6 M 57, Tozzer Library.

[xxxvii] Delaware language collection, 1779-1806 and undated. Zeisberger, David, 1721-1808. [Hymns in the Delaware language]: autograph manuscript (unsigned); no place, undated. MS Am 767 (9); Sermons to children: autograph manuscript (unsigned); no place, undated. MS Am 767 (12); [Short Biblical narratives in German and Delaware]: autograph manuscript (unsigned); no place, undated. MS Am 767 (14); [Grammar of the Delaware Indian language]. MS Am 767 (6); [Vocabularies in German, Onondaga, Delaware, and Mohican]: autograph manuscript (unsigned); no place, undated. MS Am 767 (3); Pfeiffer, Stephan, copyist. [Grammar of the Arawak Indians] by Schumann?: autograph manuscript (signed); no place, 1779 December 25. MS Am 767 (16). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

[xxxviii] Harvard University. Corporation. Records of Grants for Work among the Indians, 1720-1812. Journal of Samuel Kirkland, March 6, 1789-March 16, 1790. Folder 5 of 6. UAI 20.720 Box 1, Folder 72, Harvard University Archives.

[xxxix] Harvard University. Corporation. Records of grants for work among the Indians, 1720-1812. UAI 20.720, Harvard University Archives.

[xl] Dartmouth, William Legge, Earl of, 1672-1750, signer. Request to repeal an act regarding Quakers, 1705. Small Manuscript Collection, Harvard Law School Library.

[xli] Monis, Judah, 1683-1764. Short nomenclator or vocabular in English and Hebrew: composed alphabetically for the use and benefit of my pupils in particular and for the advantage of those who are desirous to obtain the knowledge of the Hebrew tongue in general, which may be that great help to understand not only ye sacred oracles in their original, but even any Jewish author (so far as concern owns) as also it may give great insight in ye tongue to those, as to compose it, a work altogether new, [ca. 1735]. HUC 8635.235.2, Harvard University Archives.; Monis, Judah, 1683-1764. Rabbinical manuscripts of Judah Monis, ca. 1700s. HUG 1580.74, Harvard University Archives; Monis, Judah, 1683-1764. Biblical texts in Hebrew, circa 1740s? HUG 1580.7, Harvard University Archives.